'Too much has been invested in building housing units. The government of Israel in the last year, this year, and next year will need to buy 42,000 housing units for which there is no buyer. . . . It will cost 8 billion shekels [$3.3 billion], and we don't even know when it will be possible to use themin an effective way.' Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, September 7, 1992 |
Preface
Settlements had always been a key ingredient of Zionism. Even long before the creation of the State of Israel, Zionism has always considered colonizing the Holy Land or Historical Palestine as their inalienable right.
Following the 1967 war, the Israeli army seized the West Bank and Gaza territories and plans were set to colonize the Palestinian territories by all means necessary; forcefully and by ways of deception. Obviously, the Palestinians residing in the occupied territories have incontestable ownership of the land which constituted major obstacles to the successive Israeli government plans to exploit the lands to their aspirations. Nonetheless, Israel initiated the settlements program, since then; settlements have been a constant item of the work plan of every Israeli government that came to power, contemplating that settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory will ultimately prevent the emergence of a viable Palestinian state in the future with territorial contiguity and includes occupied East Jerusalem. And even though; the Israeli settlements considered illegitimate in accordance with the UN security council resolution and the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 – article 47 -, they still went on building the settlements with no regard to its effect. On the other hand, the imperative question concerning the Israeli settlements is 'what will become of the settlements?' There are several scenarios and prophesies concerning the settlements' fate, all of which, evolve in one single thought-¦Evacuation. Thus, Israeli politicians become conscious at one point that the settlements or some of them will be used as bargaining chips in future political negotiations with the Palestinian.
Settlements Chronicle Growth
Following the 1967 war, Israel invested in the occupied territories on a massive scale, regardless of the party heading the government at the time. Today, and because of this planned policy exist approximately 530.000 settlers in the West Bank (including Jerusalem).
The initiation of the peace process between the Palestinians and the Israelis did not stop the consecutive Israeli governments from expropriating more of the Palestinian land and building thousands more new housing units under the pretext of 'natural growth'. While the building continued, the population growth did not accumulate to the expected proportion in the settlements. This has derived the government of Israel to devise the immigrant plan to make an excuse for the expansion of settlements and parallel growth ratio of Arab population. The irony is that the settlers' population has increased between the years 1993 – 2000 by 100 percent during the time of the alleged peace process.
The Israeli Government Absorption Conspiracy
Following the erection of the State of Israel in 1948, the residing Arab population within the Israel has been increasing ever since in a much greater pace than that of the Israeli. The Arabs who had a much higher birth rate than the Israelis; did became a genuine threat to the population ethnic balance inside Israel. Today the Arab population inside Israel constitutes approximately 25 percent of the total population in Israel.
The immigrants' distribution to the settlements in the Palestinian Territories was drastically drooped in the years between 2000 and 2003 due to the Israeli army incursion on the territories that and were countered with Palestinian resistance.
On the other hand, the number of eligible Israeli/ Jewish immigrant to Israel was not on the rise, contrary to the birth rate of Arabs in Israel, which is constantly on the rise. In the late 1980's, the Israeli government initiated an absorption/ immigration campaign to solicit people to come and live in Israel. The campaign was a hit with oppressed segments living in controversial totalitarian societies and looking for a way out. As a result, hundreds of thousands responded to the campaign and agreed to immigrate to Israel, especially with the attractive subsidies offered to new immigrants (NIS 62.800 per family). The number of immigrants agreed to come and live in Israel form 1989 to the year 2000 exceeded one million immigrants, most of which where residence of the former Soviet Union. Additional aid provided for professionals, students and absorption communities estimated in NIS hundreds of millions.
The government of Israel is still looking to bring 900.000 eligible immigrants from different parts of the world to become permanent residents of Israel to overcome an inevitable ever-increasing Arab population, in an attempt to escape ethnic balance between Arabs and Jews. The Israeli government scheme to override population demography within Israel and the Palestinian territories is a deteriorating process. Today, less than 15% of the immigrants reside in the settlements and the status of the segment living in Israel became an alarming beacon for potential immigrants.
Consider the Facts!
In spite of the facts proven over the years that the settlements are a burden to Israel in every aspect; political, economical and security levels, the consecutive governments; particularly the ones elected during the peaces process era; continued to build and expand them.
The considerable construction of settlements, which took place particularly following the Oslo Accord, will make all efforts to implement every call or agreement for settlements freeze even more difficult to implement. The image Ehud Barak (former Israeli P.M) as peace seeker was far away from the truth. He is by far the greatest supporter of settlements among the prime ministers� of Israel, only to match the infamous Yitzhak Shamir. Consequently, the message sent to the Palestinians is that Israel is not interested in peace or ending the occupation unless it is on their terms but more of building and expanding the settlements. The core point of the Oslo Accord was for the Israelis to withdraw from the territories it occupied in 1967. However, the indication, which presented almost a decade later, has proven all assumptions wrong. Building housing units has grown by 70.5%, which indicated the final heading to which the peace process is going.
Settlements Info
Obviously, the peace process had no sway on the settlement policy adopted by the consecutive Israeli governments. The building of new settlements and the expansion of existing ones has never been as immense as it was throughout the preceding 15 years since the initiation of the peace process in September 1993, as the number housing units in Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Gaza has doubled. Excluding settlements in East Jerusalem, the number of housing units in West bank and Gaza settlements were 29,390. From 1993 to the year 2000; right before the second Intifada broke out; the number of the housing units increased by 70.5 percentage; (20,680). By the year 2000, the total number of housing units in settlements exceeds 53,000; an increase by 20+ thousands housing units (56%) growth since 1993. the figures above clearly illustrates the impact that the Intifada had on the construction and development process of the settlements. Between the years 0f 1993 – 2000, the annual construction of housing units in Israeli settlements counted for approximately 2,955units (14%). As for the years of the Intifada; 2000 – 2003; the construction pace dropped to 4.5% annually (under500 units). The drop was the direct impact, which the Intifada had on the so-called development process of the settlements.
As for the settlements population, an increase of number also achieved due to the new arrivals – immigrants – and the attractive subsidies provided for those willing to reside in the settlements. The number of settlers residing in the West Bank and Gaza in 1993 estimated at 115+ thousands. By the year 2000, the number of settlers estimated at 200,000+, an increase by more than 74%. Since then, the number of settlers estimated at 260,000 and on the rise; an increase achieved since 1993 by nearly 130%. The following table-1 illustrates the pace of construction in Israel and the settlements between the years 1974 and 2000.
Table-1: Housing By Unit Prior to Oslo |
||||||
Year |
Total |
Public |
Private |
|||
Israel |
Settlements |
Israel |
Settlements |
Israel |
Settlements |
|
1974 |
51,710 |
270 |
|
|
|
|
1975 |
55,610 |
590 |
||||
1976 |
55,640 |
760 |
||||
1977 |
42,830 |
1,060 |
||||
1978 |
35,450 |
1,760 |
||||
1979 |
30,500 |
1,080 |
||||
1980 |
30,760 |
770 |
||||
1981 |
33,440 |
1,550 |
||||
1982 |
33,330 |
1,520 |
||||
1983 |
30,460 |
2,020 |
||||
1984 |
27,410 |
1,820 |
||||
1985 |
24,790 |
2,080 |
||||
1986 |
21,710 |
1,030 |
||||
1987 |
19,950 |
490 |
||||
1988 |
19,640 |
960 |
||||
1989 |
22,320 |
1,290 |
3,480 |
560 |
18,840 |
730 |
1990 |
19,960 |
1,330 |
3,250 |
680 |
16,710 |
650 |
1991 |
42,270 |
2,140 |
23,140 |
1,100 |
19,710 |
1,040 |
1992 |
70,110 |
6,870 |
48,520 |
5,890 |
21,590 |
980 |
Total |
667,900 |
29,390 |
78390 |
8,230 |
76,850 |
3400 |
|
||||||
Housing by Unit from Oslo to the Year 2000 |
||||||
1993 |
33,630 |
3,360 |
4,760 |
2,670 |
28,870 |
690 |
1994 |
43,620 |
1,320 |
11,130 |
600 |
32,490 |
720 |
1995 |
68,900 |
2,520 |
27,460 |
1,850 |
41,400 |
660 |
1996 |
56,440 |
1,670 |
19,440 |
1,000 |
37,000 |
670 |
1997 |
50,930 |
1,900 |
15,700 |
1,000 |
35,230 |
900 |
1998 |
43,700 |
4,210 |
9,970 |
1,970 |
33,730 |
2,240 |
1999 |
37,210 |
2,510 |
9,120 |
1,550 |
28,090 |
960 |
2000-2001 |
21,720 |
1,790 |
6,390 |
1,060 |
15,330 |
730 |
Total |
356,150 |
20,680 |
103,970 |
11,700 |
252,180 |
8,980 |
|
||||||
Grand Total |
1,024,050 |
50,070 |
|
Source: Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics (ICBS) – 2008
From 2001 on, a more intensive construction policy adopted
Since the year 2000, building and expansion in Israeli settlements has taken new directions, as building in settlements in the West bank including Jerusalem became strategic in its nature.
A shift in the Israeli settlement program accrued in the year 2002, as emphasis on settlements expansion was not a priority in comparison to previous years. This shift is mainly attributed to political development in the nature of the conflict as the Israeli government started talking about demarcation of the Israeli State border to separate the Israeli State from the foreseen Palestinian ruling entity. However, the features of the settlement program remained the same; in fact, it started to consolidate years work into the final chapter of the settlement program; the western Segregation Zone, which wraps up the major settlements blocs with most of the Israeli settler's population along the West Bank western border; engulf in the process nearly 13% (713 Km2) of the West Bank area. However, the Israelis has intensified the constructions within the Israeli unilateral declared boundary of Jerusalem, particularly occupied East Jerusalem within what is known as 'Jerusalem envelop' the Israeli planned-under construction Segregation Wall, which will ultimately redefine the boundary of Jerusalem unilaterally by Israel for the second time since the latter occupied the city in 1967.
Accordingly, Israel has concentrated its construction plans to settlements in and around Jerusalem, specifically within 'Jerusalem Envelop', the area to include within the Segregation Wall, and effectively the new boundary of Jerusalem.
During the years that followed the second Intifada in 2000, the Israeli consecutive government intensified its constructions efforts in settlements more than ever before. In the years between 2001 and February 2008, Israel managed to construct, tender, and plan more than 143 thousands housing units in the settlements, most of which (98+ thousands) in Jerusalem. The following table-2 and chart-1 shows the proceeding with regard to Jewish housing units in West Bank, including Jerusalem settlements.
Table-2 : Israeli-Jewish housing units constructed, tendered, and planned in the West Bank including East Jerusalem In the years between 2001 and February 2008 |
||||||
Year |
Total Housing Units in the West Bank Including Jerusalem |
|
No. of Housing Units in Jerusalem |
% |
No. of Housing Units in West Bank |
% |
2001 |
12171 |
12171 |
99.7% |
40 |
0.3% |
|
2002 |
10536 |
9230 |
87.6% |
1306 |
12.4% |
|
2003 |
24330 |
12373 |
50.9% |
11957 |
49.1% |
|
2004 |
23108 |
24239 |
104.9% |
1131 |
4.9% |
|
2005 |
13571 |
3975 |
29.3% |
9596 |
70.7% |
|
2006 |
6754 |
2808 |
41.6% |
3946 |
58.4% |
|
2007 |
40631 |
20771 |
51.1% |
19860 |
48.9% |
|
Feb-08 |
12660 |
12600 |
99.5% |
60 |
0.5% |
|
Total |
143721 |
98167 |
68.3% |
45554 |
31.7% |
Source: ARIJ GIS Database – 2008
Chart-1
The Burden of the Israeli Settlements
Ever since Israel initiated its tactical plans to control and seize the Palestinian lands following the 1967 war, the construction of settlements has been methodically which made the overall price-tag of the settlements come at low price (roughly $10 billion). The suggested figure includes; constructions, infrastructure grounding, bypass roads, in both the West Bank territories and East Jerusalem. Considering the actual value of the expropriated land for the built-up areas, the master plan, and the security belt encircling each settlement (the $10 billion figure) seems insignificant.
Today the number of Israeli settlers' forcefully inhabiting the West Bank (including Jerusalem) and Gaza is nearly 530,000. Over the years, the State of Israel has spent tens of billions of U.S. Dollars on extra expenditures in the Palestinian territories; such as building settlements (199), constructing bypass roads (800+ Km), setting up infrastructure, extra security, extra army troops, brigades and divisions, compensations for damages and losses of both individual livesthe Palestinian territories: building colonies, constructing byrof of ownership that dateshundreds of years anf long before and in business terms.
In addition, the psychological effect for living in fear and commotion is immeasurable on the overall population. The settlers' population distribution in the West Bank (excluding Jerusalem) and Gaza distributed to seven different zones; each incorporates a number of settlements. See Map 1
Jordan Valley- 20 |
Har Hevron- 21 |
Gaza Coast- 20 |
Shomron- 54 |
Jerusalem- 31 |
Northern |
Benjamin- 43 |
Gush Etzion |
The overall settlement process fluctuated but never stopped over the years of occupation, depending on the ruling party at heading the Israeli government. Statistics shows that the active era where the construction of settlements has boosted to its maximum was when the Likud party headed the government with approximately 62%, while 34% of the settlements where endorsed during the Labor party ruling and the remaining 4% where made during unity government rule.
Where the International Law Stands on Israeli Settlements?
The Fourth Geneva Convention (article 47 & article 49) specifically prohibit the occupying power from seizing or altering the features of any parts of the land it occupies unless it is for the benefit of the population under the occupation or for its self-defense. Furthermore, the law prohibits the occupying power from transferring or deporting parts of its own civilian population into the occupied territories.
Clearly, the Israeli settlements stand in violation to international and humanitarian laws. Other violations to the Palestinians' rights inflicted as a direct result of settlements include among other, breaching the rights to self-determination, land utilization, adequate standards of living and most importantly restriction of movement as the occupying power set up in the occupied territories: 26 iron gates, 76 checkpoints and 120 roadblocks. Furthermore, Israel has initiated their so-called defensive wall, which penetrates the cities and villages of the Palestinians destroying the cultivation sector and the life system of 15 villages (so far) where 70,000 Palestinian reside. The wall extends over an area of 6000Km in length; 145 Km implemented as 'phase 1' and 47 gates where put-up for the Palestinians trapped on both sides of the wall. The wall will eventually encompass 58% of the West Bank area as a direct act of the Israeli government annexation plan of Palestinian territories.
Did the Israelis Ever Seek Peace with the Palestinians?
The Israeli building and expansion of settlements was a clear indication toward the peace process: to sabotage it. The Palestinians viewed the Israeli acts building and expanding settlements an evidence to their questionable intention toward peace, which makes the current situation not so difficult to understand.
This forceful unilateral act (construction of settlements) was a clear and daily massage to the average Palestinian of the Israeli government intention of ever giving up the territories.
What to Do�What Does the Common Sense Inflict?
Israel's beacon to its redemption and lasting peace with the Palestinians and the entire Middle East falls in Israel's withdrawal from the Territories it occupied following the 1967 war, including territories of neighboring Arab countries under U.N resolution 242. Israel must also recognize the Palestinian refugees' right of return under U.N resolution 194 and compensate them for decades in Diaspora.
Various solutions in different forms rationalized to disrupt the circle of violence storming this part of the world and finally put an end to the conflict. Today, and with a firm but unsolicited and unspoken convection from both sides (the Palestinian and the Israeli), several facts, among others, which developed over the years, became obstacles and invariable parts of the conflict and to the solution: the refugees and the settlements. The number of Palestinian refugees driven out of Palestinian hometowns and villages in 1948 has increased over the past fifty years from 800 thousand to an increasing 4.5 million.
As for settlements located in the Palestinian territories, including Jerusalem, they are an increasing 224 with an increasing population of 438 thousand. In both issues, compromises will take place; few selected settlements located along the green line will continue to exist under Israelis rule and land swap of these settlements area size will take place within the green-line; inside Israel. On the other hand, Israel must agree to take in a percentage of the total refugee population scattered in neighboring countries and pay them compensations as a part of a total settlement agreement for the entire refugee population.
Prepared by
The Applied Reserach Institute – Jerusalem